ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΩΝ ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΑ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ
Ιδιαίτερα μαθήματα τουρκικών παραδίδονται από έμπειρο καθηγητή,native speaker,λογικές τιμές.
ALI EGILMEZ
694 864 18 43
ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΩΝ ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΑ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ
Ιδιαίτερα μαθήματα τουρκικών παραδίδονται από έμπειρο καθηγητή,native speaker,λογικές τιμές.
ALI EGILMEZ
694 864 18 43
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Greek health service ailing
Greece’s spending on healthcare is about average for a European country but when it comes to the quality of service on offer to patients, it comes almost last on a list of 31 nations that includes all EU members.
Overall, the Greek health system ranks as the 19th best in Europe, down from 17th last year.
The report also refers to the national health system being a “kingdom of doctors” and that, despite improvements in some areas, such as access to specialists, it is characterized by under-the-table payments and by the need for patients to also spend an excessive amount of their own money.
Source: Kathimerini
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The First Official Turkish Visit to Armenia after Decades President of Republic of Turkey Abdullah Gul is on a historical trip to the Armenian capital Erivan on Saturday. The football match between Armenia and Turkey for the qualification of World Cup 2010 turned to be a first diplomatic relations between the countries. Turkey and Armenia currently has no formal diplomatic ties since the problem of Nagarno –Karabakh since 1993. After the invitation of Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan’s adressing Gul to watch the match in Erivan together accepted by Abdullah Gul with the support of AKP government and strong opposition of nationalist opposition parties CHP and MHP. So called ‘football-diplomacy’ brought new hopes for these neighboring countries at least to start to have diplomatic relations under the shadow of three basic problems: recognization of ‘Armenian Genocide’, Nagarna Karabakh problem and the isolation of Armenia in the region with closed borders and customs from Turkey in the west and Azerbaijan in the east. This invitation became more meaningful and indeclinable after the Caucasus Cooperation Platform offer of Turkey aftermath of Georgian – Russian tension in the region. Both President Gul and Prime Minester Tayyip Erdogan had stated that in this platform Armenia will also be included. A Turkey on the path of European Union is facing the difficulty of confrontation with her chronic problems which is not openly argued since the beginning of the foundation of the republic. The system changes in 1970s of Portugal, Spain and Greece could not take place in Turkey. And Turkey today has to solve her basic problems with a big courage. It needs a big courage because after all these years these problems turned to be a taboo issue and even to mention about them is aggressively repulsed. These problems were namely: Kurdish, Islam, Armenian and even Cyprus problems/questions. It is obvious that the moment of facing these issues will be the moment of Turkey’s self – identification and confrontation with her essential D.N.A. as well as her history.
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All around the world, news analysis and the specialized people commenting and analyzing one trial. The trial of the ruling party AKP. There is shortly two things to say about that issue: 1- In democracy is there any place for closing a party? 2- Do you have a right to judge a party with supposing without seeing any actual violation of the rules? In other words did AKP’s oppositions can say that the party became the centre of illegal creation or organization and putting his ideas into action?
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Bizler demokrasinin var olduğu ülkelerde her gece darbe tehditi ile yaşamayan Türkiyelileriz.
Türkleriz, Kürtleriz, Ermenileriz, Süryaniler ve daha niceleriyiz.
Bizim bir zamanlar gelip yerleştiğimiz ve yabancısı olduğumuz bu topraklarda, siyaset hep sivil alanda.
İnsanlar hep tartışıyor ama kimse kimseyi öldürmüyor. Hiçbir parti kapanmıyor. Hiçbir dil yasaklanmıyor. Hiçbir ülkenin Başbakanı’na, Cumhurbaşkanı’na düşüncesinden dolayı dava açılmıyor. Hiçbir televizyon kanalında askerler demeç vermiyor. Hiçbir devletin kurumları internet sitesini kullanarak gecenin bir yarısı demokrasiyi tehdit etmiyor.
Ve hiçbir yazar yazdıklarından dolayı öldürülmüyor. Kimse kimseye şunu demezsen seninle konuşmam demiyor. Burada insanlar ilk önce konuşuyor. Tokalaşıyor. İkna ediyor, uzlaşıyor.
Velhasıl, Türkiye’nin başına gelenler, burada pişmiş tavuğun başına gelmiyor.
Avrupa Birliği’ne girmeye çalışan bir ülkede yaşananları bizler burada kimseye anlatmayı beceremiyoruz. Bizim hatamız olsa gerek askerin siyasette ne işi olduğunu anlamıyorlar. Partilerin kapatılmasını, Hrant Dink gibilerinin öldürülmesini, Orhan Pamuk’un vatan haini ilan edilmesini, darbe tehditi ile yaşamanın ne demek olduğunu anlamıyorlar.
Bizler artık bunları anlatmak istemiyoruz!
Türkiye’nin normalleşmesini istiyoruz. Nefes alsın istiyoruz; dostlarımız, ailelerimiz, sevdiklerimiz, tanıdıklarımız, tanımadıklarımız. Normal bir ülkede yaşamanın tadına onlar da varsın istiyoruz. Normalleşen bir ülkede çocukların, gençlerin ölmediği bir ülkemiz olsun istiyoruz, gitmesek de görmesek de yıllarca.
İstiyoruz çünkü bizler evimizden uzak kalıp anladık ki, gerçek demokrasinin ve adaletin var olduğu bir Türkiye yeryüzünde yaşanacak en güzel ülkedir.
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ALI OSMAN EGILMEZ, ΑΛΙ ΟΣΜΑΝ ΕΓΙΛΜΕΖ
The forced migration of the ‘black’ man to the ‘civilized’ world started in 1…. ….we don’t need a clear cut period of time, the fact and importance is not the time but the story and the process had been started.
The story narrated by the ‘white man’ is listened and believed by the rest of the world. “We the people of the superior –or developed- civilization of West have right and duty to dominate and teach the other civilizations deprived from the knowledge of constructing a ‘good civilization’.” According to them if the ‘uncivilized world’ follows the path of the western world, they can succeed ‘the civilization’. At the end of the uni-linear progress of the history is the western civilization and in the starting point, in the lowest part are the African ‘savage’ tribes. They are creating this discourse since the first anthropologist and colonial forces’ arrival to the continent. The science is used to proof that ‘truth’ in order to give a way to the ‘white civilized man’ to complete his duty called as ‘white man’s burden’. Bringing civilization to this savage world while forcing them to change all the culture that they have meant converting in Christianity, exploiting their raw materials and sources and the worst thing making the people slaves in their own lands or in the lands of the ‘masters’.
Apart from the stupidity and arrogance of seeing his own civilization as the superior one and the others’ as the backward the physical outcome of that discourse was the most painful one in human history. The wars created in the last 2-3 century had directly or indirectly the effect of the western powers. We the people of this region know it very well. From Balkan Wars to the Bosnian, Kosovo War and finally Iraq, Afghanistan… This ‘burden of white man’ did not finish and will not finish.
This sociological, cultural and politic infrastructural discourse was for the legitimization of the brutal and wild economic implications, namely called with different names as colonialism, imperialism, capitalism and finally globalization… They are finally serving to the same aim, serving to the ‘civilized world’.
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| Musical exchanges in the Aegean |
This summer in this part of the Mediterranean, two countries are exchanging their most talented performers. In Turkey and Greece, the neighboring countries’ concert halls and amphitheaters are echoing with local and universal sounds.
During these months many performances will be held, while the famous and talented Omar Faruk Tekbilek has already opened the season in Athens with an extraordinary concert. The famous Turkish accordion virtuoso Muammer Ketencoglu, with a range of music varying between Balkan and Aegean, accompanied by his group Zeybek, and Aynur, the fascinating Kurdish voice that many became familiar with from the documentary of Turkish-German director Fatih Akin, The Sounds of Istanbul, will follow.
Throughout the year, Turkey also wept to the soundtrack of the highly awarded Turkish film My Father and My Son, composed by Greek musician Evanthia Reboutsika. The new style in Turkish folk music which includes a mix between traditional Turkish instruments and electronic elements brought the well-known Baba Zula to Greece. Meanwhile, the exchange continued with world-renowned Greek director Theo Angelopoulos’s film score’s composer Eleni Karaindrou in Ankara.
It must be noted that the mutual exchanges of culture between Turkey and Greece have been gradually increasing over the years, extending the function of the ‘clef’ as a key for the ‘cloaked collective conscious.’ The expansion of this phenomenon was commented on by many scholars as the social result of the political rapprochement. It seems that people and cultures were thirsty for this infusion during all those years of separation. A closer look, into the perception and definition of the audiences and performers, must be taken.
The concerts and performances mentioned here have a common characteristic: their high quality. Their success lies in their ability to use contemporary and universal methods in music. One of these artists, Tekbilek, defines his work as ‘music rooted in tradition that has been influenced by contemporary sounds.’ He describes his approach as ‘cosmic.’ He uses his creativity within the essence of ‘mysticism, folklore, romance and imagination.’ For instance, Fuat Saka, a Turkish Black Sea singer, might not have won fans in Athens if he had just retained the pure local sound. If he had, he would probably have only gained the attention of a few people with Pontic roots and missed a younger generation eager to hear something authentic but also contemporary.
Fans of this music are also a specific kind of audience, similar to each other in both countries. That specific type of audience sprang into existence within the Balkans as an effect of globalization. As a consequence, many listeners in the region, influenced by international sounds, started to demand other music forms but similar to their music as well. The best doors to knock on were those of their neighbors.
This specific audience group does not comprise listeners of ‘popular’ music, who consume easily without digesting its essence, message or absence of dreaming. It is a group of conscious consumers with a hunger for good-quality art. They share more global thoughts while having a taste for traditional values compared to simpler listeners. The intellectual level of this audience, together with their unprejudiced standing, may open the gates for the much delayed cultural fusion between the masses ― that’s if we take into account that intellectuals are usually considered pioneers in societies.
The mystery and the authenticity of Anatolian music have found an audience in Greece. It should not be seen as an orientalism on the part of Greek intellectuals. They are not looking for a new Anatolian-Turkish bohemian-style sound, but something deeper. An answer can be found via social psychology. The same is valid for the Turkish audience, which prefers the soft, familiar and entertaining melody of the bouzouki and lyre.
Balkan people show their emotions, express them more readily and portray them more deeply than their more rational Western peers. This anarchic emotional background changes the music of this geographical area, leading it away from the given doctrines of nation-states and nationalist discourses. It opens the gates to the subliminal realities and to the hidden mystical past. Listening to a song or an instrument enriched with soul by a virtuoso is like developing wings and looking at the world from above the borders, then returning to the normal flow of life. We’re now left in the arms of the wise common past with this music, hard to forget, like an uncompleted delicious flavor…
The common experience of life, which we obscured in the past, thrown into the dark labyrinths of our collective subconscious, hidden between the dusty pages of history, or made colorless and pale in the sinister corridors of politics, was recalled from the subconscious. The failed lives which are left half-ended, like unfinished sentences with three dots (…), are remembered again with these sounds. We started to realize our commonalities and remembered that we used to live together…
An Athenian, for instance, may remember the taste of a partly heard song from a record on the gramophone, a remembrance of the foggy Bosporus, from a melody that he now hears in the Odeon of Athens from a Turkish neyzen1. They who owned the record could have been his grandparents… but he can deeply feel and recognize the song, even he had never heard it before, simply from the stories his grandfather whispered to him like the winds of Pringipos2 or from the tasty meals his grandmother cooked with a sigh, ‘Ah, Konstantinoupoli!’
This is not their first encounter with this sound. In the books they read, on the wall of a mosque or church, in an ancient ruin by the roadside, in the smoke of a narghile, in a dance, on a plate of meze, in a street name and in their lullabies, they have already heard this sound. This sound was the sound of our Turkish or Greek neighbors who left a home country behind them a long time ago. We were forced to forget them and their sounds, but we could not…
This linking of memories is the result of fantastic unknown cosmic paths in our small brain cells. Like a butterfly effect in our minds, these notes grab us and carry us to the gates of an old relative’s house whom we haven’t talked to for a long time, bringing us childhood memories and pleasure.
It’s just like that. A melody, a taste, a dance from the other side of the border…
We left our lands, we left our neighbors, and we left our lives on the other side of the sea without even being able to say goodbye to them. This is the story of being left half-finished. The common sentiment felt by both sides.
The attention is raised by the need to hear the ‘other’ side’s similar melodies. To feel the art of the ‘other’ gives us a chance to see ourselves as well.
There are more similarities which can bring us closer than differences. Music can help us close our ears to all the aggressive propaganda and open them to the heartbeat of the Aegean as music has the power to become a channel between us, transcending the prejudices and misunderstandings, helping us embrace the future.
Player of the reed flute (often used to play in Mevlevi Dervishes’ music).
One of the Princes’ Islands in Istanbul.
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Turk polls: Bringing the periphery into the center
ALI OSMAN EGILMEZ, ΑΛΙ ΟΣΜΑΝ ΕΓΙΛΜΕΖ
It has always been the dream of right-wing parties in Turkey to achieve the success and be the inheritor of Turkish Statesman and Prime Minister (1950–1960) Adnan Menderes, who founded the first legal opposition party ― the Democratic Party (DP) ― in 1946 after the Republican People’s Party (CHP)’s single-party period and made the DP in the 1950 elections the first party with an absolute victory over the CHP while gaining 53.3 percent of the vote. On May 2, 1954, the DP increased its support, getting 57.6 percent of the vote. Since then no Turkish party had achieved an increase of their votes after entering the elections as the ruling party until July 22, 2007, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) did just that.
According to the results of the July 22 elections, three parties exceeded the 10 percent threshold. The AKP, with 46.66 percent of the votes, guaranteed its being the single ruling party with 340 seats and increased its votes 12.38 percent compared to the 2002 elections, which made the AKP the ruling party of Turkey for 4.5 years. The CHP got 20.85 percent of the votes with a 1.46 percent increase, gaining 112 seats, although it wa a big disappointment when one considers the huge numbers that had recently participated in ‘Republic Protests’1. The third party in the General Assembly became the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), which doubled its votes compared to the last elections. Extremist nationalist parties got 14.29 percent of the votes while ensuring 71 seats in the parliament.
For the first time in Turkish political life, a significant number of independent candidates entered the parliament, securing 5.2 percent of the votes and 27 seats (the 10 percent threshold is valid only for parties, not for independent candidates).
Participation in the 2007 elections reached 80 percent in spite of taking place during the summer holiday season. The number of women MPs in parliament doubled compared to the last assembly, reaching 50, of whom 31 are in the AKP. One of these women MPs is an independent candidate from Istanbul. She is a member of the Democratic Society Party (DTP)2 and still imprisoned, sentenced for being a member of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). She will get out of the jail though, due to the immunity of MPs, and join the parliament.

After the elections, there will be some changes in the makeup of the assembly. Twenty-three of the 27 independents are former members of the DTP. They will have the chance to regroup in the parliament under the party’s name. On the other hand, the coalition of the Democratic Left Party (DSP) with the CHP for the elections resulted in the entrance of 13 DSP members into parliament from the CHP lists. They are also expected to resign from the CHP and come together under the DSP umbrella. With that change, the CHP will have 99 seats in the parliament.
The AKP increased its votes in almost every city. The most important was the increase on the Aegean side of the country, which is traditionally a stronghold of the CHP, as well as Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia, which used to be pro-Kurdish DTP centers. In these regions the AKP either became the leading party or leveled with the other two parties. For instance, Izmir was symbolically seen as the last stronghold to be conquered by the AKP and the last bastion to be defended by the CHP. The results showed that the AKP doubled its votes even in Izmir and became a real threat to the CHP. Those votes mainly came from the poor neighborhoods of the city. On the other hand, the CHP secured the middle- and upper-class votes as it did all around Turkey. That is why, strangely, the traditional social democrat voters (the excluded groups of the system in the international conjecture) went over to the AKP and center-right votes (simply the bourgeoisie votes) went to the CHP.
This success of the AKP can roundly be seen as the result of 4.5 years of stability and economic growth in the country and the reactions to the April 27 ‘e-intervention’ of the military during the presidential election. During the election period, the AKP successfully used this discourse. With tremendous growth that almost doubled the Turkish economy it was not difficult for the AKP to play the ‘prosperity card.’ After all, as former US President Bill Clinton said, ‘It’s the economy stupid!’
The AKP is very close to getting the achievements of the ‘periphery’ in the sense of getting a place in the ‘core’ with the election of the AKP-supported president, symbolically the cornerstone of secularism. The majority of the parliament belongs to the AKP, but after a previous court decision, the ‘magic’ number 367 is needed. With the 340 seats of the AKP and 27 seats of independents, the majority of them pro-Kurdish DTP members, that number to provide the absolute majority is now within reach. Here, it seems that the DTP is going to be a key party in some crucial periods and decisions in the near future. The first one will be the presidential elections. In this regard the DTP started to give the signals of bargaining with the expected future ruling party, the AKP.
Furthermore, the AKP proved that it is not simply an Islamic party supported by growing middle-class Islamists but a central liberal party which has garnered the vote of one out of every two people in the country from different classes, ethnic origins, statues, ideologies and lifestyles. As Erdogan claimed on the night of July 22 after his party’s election victory, they absolutely ‘became a societal center.’ In his speech, he also used very conciliatory language and stated his commitment to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s doctrines and embraced the other segments of society rather than resorting to provocative talk after such an historical victory.
On the other hand, the loser of the election was definitely the CHP, although it did slightly increase its votes by around 1.5 percent. Deniz Baykal added a nationalist debate to the Kemalist status quo and etatism of the CHP and transferred some prominent names from right-wing parties before the elections. Apart from Ilhan Kesici, none of them could have been selected. The nationalist discourse of the CHP (voters mainly chose to vote for the ‘real addressers’ of nationalism, the MHP rather than the CHP ― this discourse of the CHP mainly brought the votes to the MHP) united with the ‘threat’ propaganda stating the danger against the Kemalist and secular regime and acting with the military put the party in a more conservative position as being far away from social democracy’s values. The CHP and ‘elites’ proved that they are far from seeing the current social dynamics in Turkey. Several factors have contributed to rising nationalistic sentiments in Turkey and the consequent rise of the MHP. Negative developments in Europe itself have exercised an unfavorable impact on Turkish politics. The fact that Turkish membership had emerged as a major issue of contestation in France and also in countries like Austria during the European Parliament elections of June 2004 created the image in the average Turkish mindset that EU membership was not a credible objective. A typical line of thinking was that although accession negotiations had been formally opened, a sufficient number of obstacles would be created on the way to make sure that Turkish membership aspirations would be diverted to an inferior track of ‘privileged partnership.’ It is important to emphasize that rising Euroskepticism is a phenomenon that tends to affect most countries engaged in the process of accession negotiations, as was also the case for the new Central and Eastern European members of the EU which encountered such a phenomenon during their transition process to full membership.
It is understood that the regime anxieties of Kemalist elites and institutions are not shared by the majority of the people. On the contrary, the AKP was seen as ‘unjustly treated’ by the regime defenders and it increased its votes, especially during the process of Abdullah Gul’s presidential candidacy.
The two biggest ‘threats’ Turkey faces are the separatist movements (mainly the Kurdish separatist movements) and the Islamic movement, according to the Kemalist ‘core’ and elites during modern Turkish history. That is why Kurdish and Islamic identities were suppressed and excluded from the public sphere for many years and forced to stay on the ‘periphery.’ Starting with Adnan Menderes, who was more pro-Western but tolerant toward the traditional way of life and Islam, and continuing with Turgut Ozal, Recep Tayyip Erdogan can be seen as the mobilizer of the periphery toward the center. The reaction of military and other Kemalist institutions to the elections remains to be seen.
In consolidated democracies, mainly two parties get the majority of the votes, one from ― traditionally speaking ― the center right, the other from the center left. Turkey found its center right but the other pillar is totally missing. The CHP is far away from the social democrat or center left with its status quo and elitist characteristic. Thus there is a strong need for a social democratic formation in Turkey.
In this colorful parliament, people now are afraid to experience the vicious battles of Secularist-Islamist, Kurdish separatism3-Turkish nationalism, respectively CHP-AKP, DTP-MHP.
Within this period the AKP will form the government and the parliament will proceed with the election of the president, which dragged the country into the ballots.
The big bet for the AKP and Turkey is finding the balance between the rising nationalism, the Kurdish problem and the continuation of Turkey’s economic growth, EU aspirations and democratic reforms. One thing is certain: Turkey will continue in the coming months to hit the headlines while struggling to find its identity.
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ALI OSMAN EGILMEZ, ΑΛΙ ΟΣΜΑΝ ΕΓΙΛΜΕΖ
While looking to the title, don’t misunderstand. Nothing happened to a ‘Turkish’ identity carrier in Athens. The worst thing happened in the city that we (orientalist - people proud of the purity of east) cheer the multiculturalism of the past and fruit salad of the modern times, in Istanbul. I am still hundreds kms away from the border but still there are invisible disturbing things just coming and slapping in your face when you had to deal with. Turkey is a ‘western oriented secular country’ that is in some practices, just a bullshit. There can be some secularist (be careful not secular, secularist) or westernist (be careful again not western but westernist) around but they are not the majority. Turkey is a conservative country. You can see that from the election polls that never a real social democrat or leftist government ruled the country or from the social hysteria that catching you in every corner of the life even in big metropolitan cities. They are metropolitan just in number nothing else…In other words they reached to the ‘metro’ level but not to the ‘politan’ one.
The reality I countered today was shortly like that: As a person who doesn’t feel to belong an ethnic identity in his ideas, the reality pushes him to deal with some papers which is a burden on his shoulder because of an unselected national identity of him. This is just a vagina accident of 25 years ago… With more concrete words, as a Turkish Republic citizen I need visa from Greek Consulate in Istanbul to come back to the country where my residence permit finished. After waiting from 6 o’clock in the morning and applying for visa after showing all the bank accounts that I have and all the real estates that my family have and my parents’ salary checks everything, of course if you have all these things you will pass the ‘eye check’ of the guy sitting in front of the table and making the first approvements of giving ‘holy’ Schengen visa to you. After getting my visa 3-4 days later I will come back to Greece and provide some other documents from my university if I find it open luckily and if I find the secretary woman satisfied from yesterday’s night activity, I can get the documents easily in 2-3 days (!). Then I should go to my favorite destination, to the residence permit application office. I should wait outside may be from 5 in the morning till 5 in the afternoon with many immigrants who passed the ‘real survivor’ contest of the life through Bulgarian mountains or in a 20 people capacity boats sailing through Aegean Sea with 60 people…then I will wait around 8 months to get my ‘residence permit’ for which I am so grateful to have that ‘permit’ for my big and dear masters. I am so thankful to you for allowing this second type citizen, ignorant, untouchable piece of human to stay in YOUR paradise lands (!) Thank you so much.
Have I ever mentioned about the movement of ‘paperless world’? It is the one that I am a passive volunteer of it. Passive but what can I do while all those papers are still ‘actively’ atacking me, how can I stand up and save my ass from the penetration and not be passive still?(!) That’s not so easy brother! Not so easy at all… especially in this part of Europe when all the borders created with an continuing hatred (actually there is no border did not created without hatred and blood). My dream is a borderless world but it seems that it is impossible when we still have never ending borders in the minds of the people…It is a 19th century solution to keep the wild animals in different cages (yes, cage…your country can be only a cage if you don’t know how to go over it and look at it from outside) in order not to attack and pull into pieces.
Anyway, the topic was not that. I was planning to go to Istanbul to start to the first step of the bureaucratic fight of Kafka. In the mean time I wanted to take my beloved, a part of my soul, my girlfriend to show my country my beautiful my lovely bastard Istanbul to her. In the mean time I was afraid to show the ugly face that I wanted to forget all these times. I was afraid if she encounters with the unsuppressed sexual hunger and the obvious examples of it in the streets. (I believe the one of the reason of dis-ingenuousness of conservative stand of Turkish society is the unsatisfied sexuality of the men of the society which led them to be more wild in every manner of social life-from politics like being more nationalist to the obvious physical, verbal or just staring attacks to foreign or local girls in the streets, squares, or in police stations, etc. and of course as a result having a schizophrenic women race around calling themselves as the most western and modern, and trying to proof her ‘western’ and ‘modern’ character with drinking raki with men, having sex with men but until a point of virginity borders…This is the girl who is modernist not modern. I am not talking about the conservative family girls at all…)
While I was afraid of all these things and getting nervous while thinking what she will do alone among all these untrustworthy world outside while I am dealing with consulate and of course I forgot to say the army issues that I should deal (there is no need for the discription of this process). I couldn’t a place to stay in my friends’ houses because of different reasons and started to search for hotels and hostels which would be reasonable for our student budgets. I couldn’t find any. Not because of the full rooms but because of my passport. They all told me that I cannot stay in the same room with my girlfriend if I don’t have marriage papers. Or I should show an other country passport which means as Turkish citizen, I cannot share a room with a woman in the same room. Or our surnames will be the same which means we should be sister and brother but I couldn’t take myself to say to the reception after all these rules that ‘If we would stay in Serbia little bit more we would all have the same surname since we Turks as you described are so dangerous for the women all around the world’ he said ‘I didn’t say we Turks are dangerous’ then I replied to this vicious circle discussion ‘But you implied!’. Anyway, that is the reason pushed me to write all these things here. I made a very confused composition in the writing but the reader who is familiar with the topic will catch the main theme.
Shortly, I am going to Istanbul alone and thinking how to explain to my girlfriend this situation without creating a bad image of my country that I all the time tried to break the prejudices about her in the case of conservative, Islamist, eastern outlook. Again I should open a parenthesis here. I am not uncomfortable with eastern and Islamic outlook of my country but I just got tired of westerners’ one way of looking which is seeing Turkey with its only one color. I always tried to show the other colors of the country that I believed we have. This last example showed just the only color but you will read many nice rainbow stories about it as well. This is Turkey, this is Balkans and Middle East actually this is so human; having all these oppositions in his inside not the binary ones but the multiple ones. How happy who says I am the child of oppositional dilemmas….
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ALI OSMAN EGILMEZ, ΑΛΙ ΟΣΜΑΝ ΕΓΙΛΜΕΖ
In order to describe the contributor of this site, I chose to use the German philosopher Martin Heidegger’s most important work. He states that “our aim in the following treatise is to work out the question of the sense of being and to do so concretely.” In order to understand a ’self’ or individual I always believed to the necessity of considering the Zeit Geist (The Soul of Time). As a person tries to look at the facts above from all ethnic, national, class and gendered identities, I can only not deny the strong influence of ‘the time’. In other words, I am just an other member of modernity and the 21th century.
You can read a story below that I wrote to a journalist…
When I was born in 1982, people in